Venezuela to respond to the appeals of... the left-wing working-class parties to boycott the elections undoubtedly constitutes a setback for the revolutionary vanguard, It can be expected: that they will now give the situation the most serious analysis and con+° sider readjusting their tactics to correspond better with the new relation of class forces. ,
The Communist party of Venezuela and the MIR [Movimiento Izquierda Revolucionario, a grouping strongly imbued with the concept of emulating the Cuban Revolution] pressed a common. line of abstaining from voting in view of the government suppression of the two parties so that they could not participate with their own slates of candidates. However, some ninety=-— five. per. cent of the electorate turned out, according to the government, and sixty-nine per cent of, the vote went to right-wing parties or the two parties that have formed the ruling-coalition. [Betancourtts Accién ‘Democrdtica and the COPEI, the Social Christian party. ]
Many irregularities were exposed but nothing so massively fraudulent — as ballot stuffing. Such fakery was. scareely necessary for Betancourt's candidate Ratil Leoni to win the December 2 election for the presidency. ‘Besides illegalizing the main opposition parties, Betancourt arrested their | parliamentary leaders on the eve of the elections and kept a big force of military and police forces on display.
According to the official returns, released in Caracas December 13, Ratil Leoni received 957,699 votes, 32.81% of the total, This: ‘represented a considerable decline from the vote received by Betancourt in 1958 when: he could boast of representing 45% of the electorate. It is the price he had to pay for his turn to the right, his violent opposition to the Cuban Revolution, increasingly open espousal of a pro-U.S. role, and the succes-~
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sive splits in his party resulting from this course, Betancourt!s principal support now rests with the peasantry in the interior of the country.
Dr. Rafael Caldera, candidate of the COPEI, received 589,572 votes, 20.19%, With this, the Catholics practically doubled what they registered | in the 1958 election, becoming the second biggest party in the country. Constituting the right-wing constituent of the government coalition with. ‘Accién Democratica, they were the main victors in the election. The coalition itself won, an absolute majority.
Dr. Jovito Villalba, of the URD [unién Republicana Demoordtical, 1 was the main liberal opposition candidate. He polled 551,120 votes, 18,88 His support came from the urban middle classes which opposed Betancourt ‘as being too pro#«imperialist,.
Dr. Arturo Uslar Pietri, a right-wing opposition candidate running as an “independent, " githough he represents the compradore bourgeoisie and the oil companies, polled a surprising 469,240 votes, 16.08%, showing * unexpected strength in Caracas,
Vice Admiral Wolfgang Larraz&bal, candidate of the FDP [Fuerzas Democraticas Populares|, ran as the left-wing opposition permitted by Betancourt. He received 275,304 votes, 9.43%, -Larrazdbal was so. concerned about maintaining his legal status that he did not even protest the illegal -arrest of the CP and MIR members of parliament. :
Dr. Ratil Ramos Giménez; representative: of a new split-off from Betancourt!s Accién Democrdtica which calls itself the "dissident" Aooién Democrdética, polled 66,837 votes, 2.29%.
gee German Borregales of Accién Nacional received 9, O24 votes, 0.52%. .
As a result of the elections, it is speculated that COPEI may increase the price for supporting Betancourt, causing him perhaps to shift a bit to. the left and seek a coalition with Villalba and Larrazd&bal. Whether or not this occurs, the main fact to be noted about the relation of political forces in Venezuela today is that Betancourt, because of his successive shifts toward the right, has become increasingly dependent upon the armed forces, This has greatly strengthened the position of the military. The truth is that Betancourt and his protégé Ratil Leoni are now not much more than pawns in the hands of the officer olique who can dispose of them when they deem it necessary or advantageous.