DEMONSTRATIONS IN CHILE AGAINST U.S.
Santiago de Chile
- During May thousands of demonstrators marched through the. streets here in support of the Dominican people.
On the fourth, the Federacién de Estudiantes [FECH] held a mass meeting that ended in a parade to the North American embassy. ° Fighting broke out there between the carabineros and the demonstrators led by Clotario Blest. The workers and students moved into a nearby park from which they threw stones at the Yankee embassy.
The police attacked with tear gas and their trucks that daunch high-pressure streams of water. ,
The demonstrators answered by setting fire to the dry eaves
in the park, creating a great deal of smoke to the annoyance of the repressive forces.
Later the demonstrators blocked traffic. Columbia Pictures
was stoned and a number of Coca Cola neon signs were broken. The Ford Company suffered twenty-five shattered windows.
‘On the sixth, the Central Unica de Trabajadores de Chile [our] held another mass meeting of several thousand workers and students. The youth of the revolutionary groups of the extreme left (Partido Socialista Popular, Vanguardia Revolucionaria Marxista, Espartaco) played an active role in the subsequent actions. They burned a North American flag and headed a march through the streets to the center of the city.
When Harriman was sent by Johnson through Latin America to "explain" the invasion of the Dominican Republic, he was met here ‘with shouts of “Murderer! Get Out, Yankee Thief!" Harriman required police protection from the angry people.
The Partido Socialista Popular and the Vanguardia Revolucionaria Marxista were in the forefront of the demonstrations. They put out 20,000 leaflets denouncing the Yankee aggression and calling for concrete measures in Chile against the imperialist companies such as nationalization of foreign holdings, withdrawal from the Organization of American States, etc.
On the ninth a meeting was held in the PSP headquarters to express solidarity with the Dominican people. Speakers included Clotario Blest, Martfn Salas, Dr. Enrique Reyes and others.
.New mass actions are being organized in view of the continued occupation of Santo Domingo by Yankee imperialism.
ITALIAN CP LEADERS AIR DIFFERENCES
By Sirio Di Giuliomaria
ROME, June 6 -- Deepening differences in the Italian Commun~ ist party broke out ina sharp rift in the central committee session of June 385, In place of receiving a unanimous vote, as is the custom, a resolution presented by General Secretary Luigi Longo passed by a mere majority, with four against and three abstentions,
Only one point was on the agenda: a report by Paolo Bufalini on “Unity Problems of the Italian Labor and Socialist Movement."
The question of a “united party" of the working class, first raised by right-wing leader Giorgio Amendola [see World Outlook January 1], had already been taken up by Longo at the April 21-23 session of -the committee. Longo envisaged the unification of the PCI [Italian Communist party] with the PSIUP [the Italian Socialist
Party of .Proletarian Unity which split from Nenni'ts Socialist party, the PSI] and a tendency in the PSI headed by Lombardi, Santi and Giolitti, The latter tendency, it has been expected, * will split from the PSI if it unites with the PSDI [the Italian Social Democratic party], as may occur after its next congress. Since the Lombardi tendency does not favor joining the PSIUP, the PCI leaders appear to have hopes that they might join a "united party” if it is formed,-
After the April session, the central committee appointed Longo, Amendola, Ingrao, G.C.Pajetta, Berlinguer, Bufalini, Occhetto, Rossanda, Secchia, Li Causi and Gerratana as a committee to bring in a draft resolution on the question of a united party. The document was submitted after a long dispute which compelled postponement. of the central committee meeting for almost a month and which was intro duced by Bufalini in his report.
-: :- Bufalini outlined the history of the question and took up the forces interested in it as an immediate goal. He was weakest on the proposed program for a united party. Concessions on this were clearly aimed at the Lombardi group.
Bufalini advocated a policy leading to expansion of the productive forces, full employment, increasing political weight for the working class and expansion of democracy. To achieve this, he proposed technological progress, »bigher productivity and the orientation of the “free enterprise drive" towards the public interest.
"The leading role of the working class, said Bufalini, “must be asserted through its capacity for programming." (Bufalini’ used the word "programmazione™ which is currently employed in Italy to mean "planning" in a capitalist framework. ]
Bufalini held that the working class should come to power along the democratic road and that minorities should be permitted to seek to become majorities in the socialist society.
As for foreign policy, Bufalini spoke for peaceful coexistence between states. World peace, he argued, can be. maintained only in an international order based on peaceful coexistence in which the. independence of all countries and their right to determine their own fate are respected. a
Bufalini ended on the topic of internal democracy, conceding that the organization of tendencies may "in certain cases be a form of internal dialectics and democracy." He contended however that the organization of tendencies is not "the most favorable way to circulate and debate ideas."
_ The discussion that followed was perhaps the hottest the PCI has known since the days before it became bureaucratized. L'Unita, the party's daily paper, reproduced it without trying to tone down
the differences.
Bufalini came under fire from both the left and the right. The right wing insisted on the need to emphasize certain aspects of peaceful coexistence. Amendola himself was rather cautious, but once again advanced the idea that the united party should not bar the Social Democrats.
An unusual number of central committee members attacked from the left, openly stating that they rejected the report. A group of them centered around Pintor, a former supporter of Ingrao who was ousted from the editorial board of L'Unita where he had been co-editor. Pintor held that to vote on the document would place the forthcoming party congress before an accomplished fact. In view of the shape of internal democracy in the PCI, this fear could be said to be quite justified,
Pintor insisted that the content of the report was not acceptable. Instead of aiming at coming to the top in the left-center experiment, the PCI should seek to defeat it and reverse the tendency behind it. To do this a political platform based on antireformist concepts is needed. The class nature of the proposed united party should be clear and a thorough discussion should be held in the party on this.
With regard to foreign policy, Pintor said that the "close connection between peaceful coexistence and the anti-imperialist struggle should be so stated as to leave no room for a mere juridical conception of coexistence. Coexistence should mean a shrinking of the imperialist area and its war. roots through the dynamics of the international class struggle and therefore of the freedom movements, of the anticapitalist struggle in the West, of a dynamic policy conducted by the socialist states."
Pintor concluded by raising the question of internal demo-~cracy, stressing the idea of a return by the central committee to Leninist norms and that the party congress should be the natural place to debate positions without limits imposed from above.
Others followed with leftist speeches, some referring directly to Pintor's positions. Among the speakers were Achille Occhetto, national secretary of the Communist Youth; Coppola, former editor of the Milan edition of L'Unita; and Aldo Natoli. Occhetto and Natoli were part of the delegation that was recently sent by the PCI to north Vietnam.
Another group of leftist opponents included old party members like Colombi, Secchia and Terracini. Colombi even attacked the idea that socialism can be won along the peaceful road, making a distinction between the desire to take power peacefully and the fact that Big Business will not allow it, as experience, even in. Europe, has
~~ 22a.
shown. .
. Bufalini's summary was short, centering on the speeches of his leftist opponents. Another novelty was his specifically naming them and rejecting their positions.
The session ended the evening of June 5 with a speech by Longo and a motion to approve the general line of the document and Bufalini'ts report,
Pintor, Coppola, Occhetto and Milani voted against. Colombi, Luporini and Natoli abstained, All of them stood on leftist positions. The opposition vote might have been even larger had certain members remained, They had to leave for other cities where public meetings had been scheduled.
The June session of the central committee formally ended the monolithism of the Italian Communist party. The left wing will now enjoy more freedom to debate. Rumors have already been heard about counterresolutions at the next congress, due at the end of the year.
The left-wing tendency in the PCI has now found expression in the central committee itself. The next congress promises interesting developments as the process continues of assembling left-wing -Communist militants and developing their capacity for revolutionary leadership.
FRENCH SP FACES CRISIS OF