TRANSKEI REJECTS BANTUSTANS
LUSAKA, Zambia, Feb. 12 -- As he left the stage of South African and world politics, the inimitable Eric Louw, South Africa's ex= Minister of Foreign Affairs, made it plain to his fellow fascists that they would have to do something concrete about their protestations of freedom for their helots if they wished to be believed by their critics abroad, Subsequently Verwoerd announced in parliament that the Transkei would be given “self-rule," and in less than two years after the proclamation the Herrenvolk parliament passed the Transkei Constitution Act (No. 48 of 1963), This act conferred "self-rule™ on the Transkei.
This monstrous fraud was designed, first, to placate the critics of apartheid especially at the United Nations and, second, to dupe the oppressed and restive masses of the people in South Africa itself. As soon as the details of the scheme were released, the All-African Convention at once exposed it as a devilish plan for the final enslavement of the whole non-white population. It was intended to be a blueprint for the rest of the oppressed non-white peoples in South Africa.
The Transkei was a strategic choice. For years this part of the country had been a veritable cauldron of the liberatory ideas of the All-African Convention and the Unity Movement. It had been the centre of the political boycott movement and opposition to the rehabilitation scheme (a device for the further impoverishment of the already poor peasants by culling their stock further, subdividing their small ~ and inadequate land allotments, demolishing whole villages and removing the population and fencing the commonages so as to regiment and control grazing).
This peasant resistance movement has had its episodes which future historians will record in letters of fire and gold. For instance, in 1948, this movement led to the arrest and prosecution at Mount Ayliff (part of Pondoland) of I.B.Tabata, who was then engaged in the work of organising the peasantry under the banner of the All-African Convention to fight for their right to live as free men and women in their motherland. His dramatic acquittal gave a tremendous impetus to the struggle against the Rehabilitation Scheme in the Transkei and elsewhere,
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As the arrogance of the Herrenvolk grew apace like a noxious weed and as the crisis of oppression deepened, so did the forces of resistance consolidate themselves into a solid bloc. Thus, by the time the rulers of South Africa foisted’ upon the population of the Transkei the fraud of “"self-rule"™ there had been in some areas a sharp division of the: population into two categories -- those who accepted oppression and those who were against it -- the collaborators and the Jacobites, as the people called them. Invariably the chiefs fell under the class of collaborators. Moreover, the effects of the general revolt, which reached its climax in Pondoland where several known col-.— laborators were liquidated in 1960, were still being felt throughout . the country generally and in the Transkei in particular. -Besides, the: ruling class know that the struggle for liberation in the reserves of South Africa will come to fruition on the broad back of the Peasant movement. In this regard the Transkei could take the lead. .
At once the inherent contradictions in the situation emerged. The officially recognised leaders of the people in the Transkei are either policemen=chiefs, headmen or policemen-intellectuals who manned and operated the Bantu Authorities system. Against the wishes of the > people they claimed to represent, they accepted the self-rule fraud, thus ensuring the continued domination of the Transkei by the fascist Republic of South Africa. On the other hand, the people were deter= mined to throw off the chains and shackles of. domination.
But amongst the accomplices themselves a personality battle arose, From the beginning it- was as much a struggle for power as it was a struggle for the tender kiss of the master's jackboot. There was no question of political principle involved, For all accepted the basic position of servitude. Matanzima put himself at the head of one group of quislings while the other preferred to collaborate under the leadership of Victor Poto, The chequered history of both these collaborators was well known to the oppressed people generally although Matanzima had earned for himself the notoriety of being the most hated quisling in South Africa -- the Tshombe of that country. By all considerations, Poto had the best chance in this disgraceful circus. With great expectation he looked forward to the day when he would receive the dubious honour of being referred to as the man who was the first to preside over what was intended to be the funeral rites of the nation.
‘But the Nationalist wing of the Herrenvolk made one mistake. They did Poto an injustice by thinking he was in opposition to them and they insisted on having their own child in the saddle -- Matanzima. They created a massive machinery which they promptly and vigorously set in motion to boost their quisling child. The press, the radio and every organ of propaganda was pressed into this campaign. The native commissioners. and Hans Abraham, Commissioner-General for the Xhosaspeaking group, one of the three watchdogs chosen by Verwoerd to keep watch over his Bantustan kingdom were actively engaged in the task of ensuring that Matanzima got to the top. ‘To the last, Verwoerd's and Vorster's representatives were actively manoeuvring. me
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This partiality on the part of their common father naturally angered Poto and his disciples, and the South African Liberals and the Progressives wasted no time in exploiting the situation in the interests of Herrenvolkism and capitalism, From now on the stage was set for the formation of political parties in the Transkei on the pattern of existing Herrenvolk political parties in the country. .
This had not been contemplated by the authors of the Bantustans. But their brain child had escalated into a tempo of its own. Thus. two major parties were formed in the Transkei. Since Matanzima supported and was supported by the Nationalists, Poto would oppose both Matanzima and the Nationalists. Since the United party had by now become indisguishable from the Nationalist party, Poto would support the Liberals and the Progressives who supported him. Thus did we have the drama of politics played on the South African stage re-enacted in miniature form -- lilliputian caricature to suit the requirements of the Transkei Baboon's Parliament. Poto called his party the Democratic party while the tribal Matanzima called his the Transkei National Independence party. Both these parties reflected the two main wings of the ruling class -~- the Liberals and the Apartheidists.
“The United party proclaimed its alliance with Verwoerd when its leader, De Villiers Graaff made his now notorious “one man, one vote, over my dead body'’* speech. The reply to this speech by Poto's party showed how far this group had been alienated. It came from Sabata Dalindyebo who condemned both the Nationalists and the United party and rejected dummy political institutions. He said: "One man, one vote makes the most appeal to me and to many other Africans." He went on, "There is very little difference, if any, between the policy of the perty of which he (De Villiers Graaff) is the leader and that of the Nationalists."
We have said that from the very beginning the people themselves were not taken in by the Bantustan fraud. Where they were consulted, they expressed their rejection of his system in no uncertain terms. Both the rulers and the collaborators knew this. The fraud, however, was foisted upon the population. This was only possible because of the general atmosphere of terror that prevailed, not only in the Transkei but throughout the country. There was the shock of the general state of emergency created by the Sabotage Act; there were the bannings, the house arrests, the prosecutions and the hangings; attempts to bludgeon everyone into conformity. In the Transkei itself there was in addition the Emergency Proclamation 400 of 1960 which placed the Transkei: under martial law as a result of the application of which hundreds of innocent people were then apprehended and are now still languishing and rotting in the jails of the Transkei. In addition, all channels of protest had been outlawed. All this had the effect of submerging the. voice of criticism.
During the elections themselves there was general intimidation;. and incidents of actual assault on the opposition have been recorded. In Matanzima'ts area, for example, those who urged others to vote against
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Matanzima were publicly assaulted. Elsewhere the people were told to vote or face dire consequences, including loss of "rights" in their areas.
Despite all this, however, attempts were made to boycott the elections. The boycott movement was inspired by the African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa (APDUSA), an affiliate of the Unity Movement of South Africa. In Pondoland where this Movement was strongest, impies [warriors] were sent out to intimidate those who showed reluctance to vote and cow down the opposition. But in some areas, notably Mqanduli, whole villages stayed away from the polls.
Pressure was brought to bear upon all layers in the Transkei to vote for Matanzima and his men. The chiefs in particular came under fire. Chief Havington Zulu, a member of Poto'ts party has this to say on the subject: “I was nearly dismissed by the Republican Government for fighting against rehabilitation. I was called an underground Poqo. Chiefs who joined the Democratic party were threatened with dismissal from their positions, At Umtata I was taken into a dark house and questioned by people I could not see, They urged me to support Chief Kaiser Matanzima because he had saved me from dismissal."
Matanzima himself in one of his more boastful moments has said: "T have a keen eye on chiefs and will protect them. I have files on all chiefs and headmen and I am keen: to see how they work,"
In spite of all these machinations by the South African fascist government, the people themselves remain resolute. When the results of the mock general election were announced they showed that of the 45 elected members, 38 supported Poto. Matanzima had his greatest support from the 64 puppet chiefs, who are recognised or appointed by the government of South Africa and paid by it as its servants. The final result was a 54 to 49 victory for Matanzima over Poto. Thus the chiefs supported the Broederbond-backed candidates while the people rejected them.
In the by-election that took place in Gcalekaland, following the shooting by unknown persons of one of Matanzima'ts followers, Chief Mlingo Salakupatwa, in April, 1964, Matanzima's candidate, Majavu was defeated by Poto's candidate, Moses Dumalisile by 7,434 votes. The actual votes were 36,137 for Dumalisile and 28,703 for Majavu. ° The election itself was the first to be conducted on a party’ political basis, The people were called upon to choose between two policies, They voted against apartheid in all its connotations.
Here again intimidation and pressure were used in favour of Matanzima's man. On the eve of the by-election, Matanzima in his capacity as Chief Minister of the Transkei Bantustan sent the following letter to the chiefs and headmen in Gealekaland: oe
Chief Minister's Office,
Transkei Government,
Umtata.
6th Oct. 1964
Chief Headmen, Gealeka Region
Re: Gcalekaland By-election.
As you are aware the By-election is close at hand, I advise all chiefs and Headmen to beware of Jackals that will turn against their own people, The usual practice of these Jackals is to lead the people into difficult positions where they will find themselves chased by. the police. These Jackals bring about trouble between the chiefs and their people.
Stand with the Government if you wish to lead a happy and contented life because these Jackals themselves are being hounded by the police as they have communists sheltered under their blankets.
Vote for Paul Majavu, who is supported by Paramount Chief Zwelidumile Sigcawu and also by the Chief Minister of Transkei,
Let all sub-headmen be pusy ‘on the day of the byelection and see to it that the people are not misled,
(signed) K.D.Matanzima
Chief Minister of the Transkei.
Following upon this directive by the collaborator-in-chief, chiefs and headmen in Gcalkaland got busy; but their advice and instructions were deliberately rejected by the people. The oppressed people of South Africa have moved -on to the offensive. The initiative is theirs and the Herrenvolk cannot do any- —. thing about it. Although the governing wing of the Herrenvolk has not publicly acknowledged this fact, it has by its actions given it tacit recognition. For example, members of Poto's Democratic party, acting under pressure from the mass of the population, have with impunity condemned, rejected and publicly criticised and charazterised as traitors to the cause of the liberation of the oppressed, the chiefs who follow Matanzima. Yet, in the face of these "treasonable acts" the Government has not been prepared to invoke the tyranny of the notorious emergency Proclamation 400 of 1960 which makes any criticism of a chief or headman a criminal and punishable offence. This despite Matanzima'ts request that its oppressive provisions be applied against his opponents.
Thus in his election manifesto in respect of the by-election referred to above, Moses Dumalisili was able to demand full ownership of land, abolition of job-apartheid and influx control regulations, universal education as opposed to African, Indian, Coloured and European education -- education to fit the child in a plural society; equal pay for equal work and equal qualifications, repeal of the rehabilitation scheme; repeal of Proclamation 400 and the institution of a truly national parliament. He demanded “one parliament -- not a parliament for Africans in the Transkei in Umtata, and a white parliament in Cape Town.'
Speaking of Proclamation 400 and lack of freedom.of speech and movement in the “self-ruling" Transkei, another one of Poto's men, 0.0. Mpondo, had this to say recently: "There is no freedom in the Transkei. There has been a state of emergency since 1960. But we are prepared to go to jail in the struggle for liberation of all people in South Africa, We are prepared to die in carrying out the wishes of the party."
Another high-ranking official of Poto's party who is also a member of Steytler's reactionary Progressive party, the Rev. Benjamin S. Rajuili said in East London recently: - "No chief can supersede the voice of the people. The people are now turning against their chiefs who want to carry out the wishes and whims of the South African government. To those chiefs who do not carry out the wishes of their people the emergency regulations are a boon,"
Much of this, coming as it does from the opportunistic lips of incorrigible collaborators is so much lip service. But the fact that these turncoats have found it necessary to mouth these noble sentiments is significant of the mood of the teeming millions of the non-white oppressed people who have pledged themselves to fight for the realisation of a new way of life in South Africa. Under the banner of the All-African Convention, the Unity Movement and APDUSA, the nation is being galvanised for a final showdown with the Herrenvolk and their agents. The ideas of equality and freedom have become a living reality in our country. Even Matanzima has to represent his shameful collaboration as the royal road to "freedom." He declares: "The policy of multiracialism. . . is nothing else but an instrument of African oppression." And again: "It is clear that the Democratic party with its liberal policy, is. determined to abolish chieftainship and African traditions. The people of the Transkei will defend any attempt to attack their traditions and customs." Once again the barbarian is invoking the dead gods of tribalism, the kaross and.the voodoo cult despite the encompassing rays of the midday sun of scientific and technological development of the twentieth century.
Faced with the same dilemma, the architects and builders of the superstructure of apartheid that is now crumbling down like a house of cards, have of late been acting in_rather strange ways. Not only have they refused to apply the sjambok [leather whip} in the Transkei as requested by their minion, Matanzima, but also throughout the country.
they have manifested a softening up attitude towards the non-whites, which is a necessity imposed upon them by the circumstances in which they find themselves. The same situation has actuated the army chief, Fouché, to warn. his fellow fascists that it will not pay them to shut their eyes to the reality of liberal ideas in the world. .It seems that the Broederbond has decided that the steely hand of domination does not work effectively without the velvet glove. It seems that they have decided that the best way to win collaborators and influence political enemies is to woo and cajole them.
Thus during the Dingaan's Day celebrations -- those occasions on which the Afrikaner volk normally display their boorish arrogance -some of the leading members of the Nationalist party and the government made certain pronouncements which normally should have brought upon their heads the wrath and resentment of all Afrikanerdom.,
To take one example. The Minister of Bantu Education and | Indian Affairs, W.A.Maree, spoke up against the way in which certain whites treat non-whites, particularly Africans. He said: "I am worried by their behaviour, not only on behalf of the non-whites but also on behalf of us whites (our emphasis). He referred to an-incident that took place in. Pretoria, where'a few young constables drove a police van straight at a small crowd of Africans sitting on a pavement. . He said: "They stopped in front of the Africans with screeching brakes and jumped out to inspect the men's reference books (domestic passes). After looking at the first book, the one constable just dropped it on the ground and left it lying there. Of course, not all of us are guilty of this sort of thing but there are individuals who do it -how many young boys are there who do not boast the way in which they or their fathers beat up an African?"
| This from a man who only recently would ban even the shaking of hands between whites and non-whites,
The chief actors in the drama which unfolds in the Transkei are all playing up to.the population that is poised for the complete and final overthrow of domination and for the realisation of democracy for all, not in the Transkei but in South Africa as a whole.
MADRID STUDENTS