EMBRYONIC LEFT WING IN THE ITALIAN CP
By Sirio Di Giuliomaria
Il.
‘Rome
Among the first reactions: outside the Italian Communist’ party [PCI] after the October plenum of the Central Committee [see World Outlook March 11], one worth noting’ was the statement made by “Santi, a former member of the secretariat of the CGIL [Italian General -Conifederation of Labor] and one of the leaders of the left wing of the Italian Socialist party [PSI] with which the PCI leadership have sought to build a "united party." In the corridors of parliament, of which he is a member, Santi said that this was a dark period.for ~ minorities -- while the minoritiés in the PSI were being smothered by proposals for new statutes, Ingrao's position in the PCI (which he does not agree with) had met with a very bad reception. Santi pointed out that the person who had levelled the heaviest attack on Ingrao was Amendola, the one who initiated the discussion on the proposal for a "united party." In such an atmosphere, declared Santi; it is difficult to talk of a "united party," which "should be a peopte's, socialist, democratic and internationalist party, in deeds and not in words. i Thus the PCI bureaucrats found themselves at a crossroads -- either allow internal democracy to develop, thus permitting the left wing to grow; or come down with an iron hand, thus giving up all chance of attracting the sectors of the PSI which they had been courting.
The pattern at the provincial congresses and later | at the eleventh national congress showed that the majority of the party | leadership tended toward the latter road. However, the general political mood was quite different from the one at the previous congress and the leadership could not ignore this.
The debate took place. in two forms: written articles in the two main organs, L'Unita and Rinascita; discussions at the local and provincial congresses and at the national congress.
The written debate was, 6f course, more easily. restricted than the oral. Articles were not censored, but many that took .leftist positions were not printed. The official excuse was "lack'of space." In spite of this a goodly number of Ingrao's supporters, of various political shadings (the Ingraoists have little political homogeneity ) succeeded in getting articles published.
The issues emerged most clearly at meetings’ of the rank and file. Here all the differences tended to break out into the open: This was due in particular to the following:
@ Most of the rank and file, particularly Ingrao' s followers, not being. worried about the full timers losing ‘posts, were mainly” interested in discussing politically. : .
e The rank and. file are not too keen about going: in: “for.
maneuvers like the ones employed at the top..Once the topics were placed on the agenda for discussion, they tended to draw the logical conclusions.
@ The bureaucratic apparatus was not strong enough to put case-hardened leaders in charge of all the local congresses. In many cases meetings were conducted with either weak leaders or even leaders belonging to Ingrao' s tendency serving as reporters.
oe On the whole: an. estimated one- ‘third of the party members attended local meetings. This is a high figure for the Pcl.
“in the provincial congresses, -the debate. was less vigorous, the differences not so sharp. Nevertheless a fresh wind was blowing. A few congresses were won by the Ingraoists (Venice, Bari, Perugia, Pisa, Foggia, Taranto, Brinsisi, Terni, Vicenza, Pistoia); while in others, including the big cities, a consistent minority stood. up for the left wing.. in: Rome; for instance, the left wing under the leadership of. Pintor, Notoli, Jacoviello, Cini, Illuminati and others fought on political issues; and, in the elections for the top bodies, ob-.. tained good results. In Naples, headlines in the nonparty press were captured by the Ingraoists aside from the attention given to some: openly pro-Chinese speeches. In Milan, where the bureaucracy exerted heavy -:pressure with threats, maneuvers and exclusion from the slate to be’ recommended for membership. on leading bodies and as delegates to the national congress, about. fifty delegates (including Rossanda -and Coppola) held out against the bureaucratic offensive. The national leadership had previously removed Rossanda from her post as head of the national committee in charge of the party' s cultural policy because of an article she wrote in Rinascita in which she attacked Togliatti' s | Policy in the sphere of culture. ae
This: was the ‘climate in which the. eleventh national congress . opened in Rome. Longo's political report was not substantially different from his report at the October session of the Central Committee. The only new fact to be noted was a bloc between the right wing and the bureaucratic: ‘center (represented by Longo) along with a new push toward the right, especially in the so-called "dialogue with the Catholics," which was now no longer a dialogue with Catholic forces in the labor movement but a dialogue. with the Pope and the Church. A similar shift was visible in attitude toward the PSI . (Nenni's Socialist party) which was now approached as a whole.. The idea of an alliance and "united party' constituted of the left wing of the PSI, the ‘PSIUP and the PCI was therefore abandoned. Longo openly attacked . Ingrao, particularly on the two issues that had been raised by Ingrao: the need to work out a program before contacting other forces and the need for more internal soeechae and more publicity for the debates. going on within the leadership.
Various bureaucratic devices were utilized to limit debate. These included ‘offering thé rostrum to foreign representatives and other fraternal delegates (about forty) which took up:a..good deal of time, and strict limitation of the number. of speeches permitted by the chair. The result was that the Ingraoists, who had won about fifteen to twenty percent of the delegates were not given even .propor-
tional time. Some of their speakers who were granted the floor were not even the best among them or the most representative of the Ingraocist positions. Others were granted.the floor under the most disadvantageous conditions; i.e., at the beginning of the morning , sessions when many delegates were Just arriving.
In. the commissions of the congress (the Political Commission ‘and the Electoral Commission) in charge of bringing in nominations. for the leading bodies, the left wing was scarcely represented... In. the important Electoral Commission, the Ingraoists were represented. by one person (Reichlin) in a body of fifty-two, that included the cop - leaders (Longo, Alicata, Berlinguee , Scheda, Pajetta, etc. ).
In spite of these unfavorable conditions, Ingrao held ‘out against the heavy direct and indirect pressure. He made a speech openly critical on various issues although he was less explicit than he was at the . October session of the Central. Committee .
@® Center- left government. The party has abandoned the perspective of a "more advanced center-left." This should be made clear to the masses. Meanwhile a new program should be worked out. The struggle for achievement of the program ought to create the conditions for a general alternative to the present situation. In stressing. this point, Ingrao probably intended:to alert the party rank and file against any repetition of supporting a new edition of the centerleft government on a "more advanced base." This was in the air at the congress, since the. government had just fallen. oo
@ The unity of the leftist parties is important, but achievement of this objective must proceed through.elaborating an alternative program that can: stimulate the mobilization of the masses and become the program of the left as a whole. This was directed against Amendola, who supported the idea that first unity should be sought and then a program should be worked out jointly by all the forces: that agreed to unite.
- @ The suggested program should be developed along two main lines. The first concerns. foreisn policy. With respect. to this,.it should be underlined that Italy's economy and politics are part of a world system and should be opposed with this in mind. The unity of the international Communist movement is essential.
@ The second concerns economic “policy. The problems of today are not only conjunctural but structural. Basing himself on the idea included in the theses presented to the congress that a new economic policy is required to liquidate both the ancient and more recent heritages, Ingrao said: "We propose to the left as a whole, as the sole alternative to monopolist developments and without hiding that this involves deep institutional reforms, a new type of--economic management,.a strong permanent mobilization of the, country, hence a modification .of. power and class equilibrium. This does not mean that we ignore the problems of gradualness;. a program, too, has its political ‘and economic tempos. However, itis one thing to implement a | program gradually; it is another to introduce contradictory. and partial elements in a policy and a machinery going in a different direc-
tion. Arguing against Amendola, Ingrao declared that state interven-~ tion in the field of publicly owned corporations is not sufficient; it should be extended to the "decisive sectors in thé hands of the — monopolies.' rs
@ <A weak point was Ingrao's seeming acceptance of the idea that a contradiction exists between "Catholic consciousness" and capitalist reality. -However, even on this point Ingrao indicated differences with the right wing, emphasizing that the basis of the | "dialogue with the Catholics" should. be problems of the family, the emancipation of women, of women, urban society.
@® Ingrao's last point concerned internal democracy. "Comrade Longo," he said, "expressed very clearly his preoccupation over the question of the 'publicity' given the debate. I would not be sincere if I said that I had been convinced." After insisting on his whole-. hearted acceptance of discipline and unity and opposition to the formation of factions, Ingrao emphasized the concept that there is no unity without democracy and no democracy without unity. He concluded his speech with an appeal to work for the party.
A real ovation greeted Ingrao, continuing until he reached his seat. While most of the party secretariat sat: on their hands and did not even congratulate Ingrao for giving what was: probably the best speech at the congress even from a formal point of view, the now recognized leader of the left.did something not seen among the party leaders: for a long time --- he thanked the delegates by raising his clenched fist in the old Communist salute.
Ingrao's speech drew fire from: quite a nuiber of subsequent speakers, notably Pajetta and Alicata, who distinguished themselves with their sharp criticisms. The few Ingraoists. able to get the floor did little to answer the arguments thrown:at their. teader. Among: the "old party leaders," Secchia offered some ‘support.
As for the Communist Youth, the speech made ‘by National Secretary Occhetto testified to the shameful capitulation: of the national leadership. It should be pointed out, however, that this did not reflect the political situation in the local: and provincial. congresses, where a number of young cadres took firm and courageous stands. The reason for the discrepancy lies in a peculiar characteristic of the present leadership of the Communist Youth.
The Communist Youth constitutes ai kind of "transition organi- ‘gation, "in which young cadres are formed before taking their: places in the party organizations. Traditionally, leadership in the Youth has constituted a springboard for leading posts in the. party. As. leaders in the Youth, young cadres come in touch with the top bureaucrats, are flattered and corrupted by them, and learn how to become specialists in the current underhand maneuvers which play ‘such a big role in the party's daily internal life. Tnus it happened ‘that = Occhetto, on the eve of leaving the youth organization, sought to. demonstrate that he is no:longer dangerous and -that he can safely be included in the top level of the party. It also happened that the post of National Secretary of the Youth becoming vacant, other
members of the youth leadership were stirred to demonstrate | their capacities to handle the poss. Two candidates are now fight- | ing for. the job: Claudio Petruccio.i, who is seeking the support of the left-oriented rank and file while: at the same time taking moder-~ ate positions in order not to ruffle the party leadership;. and Pio © Marconi, who has turned sharply from very radical to very opportunist positions, becoming the chief candidate of Pajetta and Alicata.
= "Under the circumstances ‘a split vote ‘on the theses. was’ not to. be ‘expected. They therefore received unanimous approval. The differences. that had been openly voiced were reflected better when the slate for the new Central Committee was submitted. A hand vote was taken on this. Votes were cast against. Pajetta on the one side. and Pintor on. the other. | ,
The right wing and the center neavily predominate in the composition of the new leading bodies. First of all a new body was set up -- the Political Bureau, standing between the "Direzione" and the National Secretariat. The size of the Central Committee was increased while its functions were considerably reduced through its being divided up into "working committees" and being placed under three leading bodies: the "Direzione," the Political Bureau and the National Secretariat.
, The main leaders of the left wing were eliminated. from ‘the central Committee. Thus, despite the increase in size, names like Coppola, Zandigiacomo, Paolicchi, Milani and Garratana cannot be found in the new list of members.
In ‘the "Direzione," Ingrao and Reichlin were included, while the number of members was increased to thirty-one. In the Political Bureau only Ingrao was includéd as a left-wing representative. The National Secretariat is completely dominated by the bureaucratic center, both THETA on the left and Amendola on the tight being eliminated. .
In. spite of' its. limitations and defects, which are even more glaring from the viewpoint Of principles, the eleventh congress of the PUI was a milestone -in. the development of a new left in Italy... For the first time since the ‘early days, areal left-wing. tendency, . visible to everyone, has appeared at ‘all levels in the PCI. Although this tendency received only weak representation at the national congress, it includes roughly around twenty-five to thirty per cent of the rank and file; and, even more important, the political level of the left wing, from Ingrao right down to the bottom, is. much . higher © than that of the rest of the party. Ce
The impact made by this tendency at ‘the congress can be con-= sidered satisfactory. if the conditions under which it had to. operate are borne in mind. Most of its members, in fact, consider that they .did well at the congress. In any case the main thing is that they emerged, gained a certain understanding of the tasks lying ahead and formed an embryonic organization. New steps ahead, however, can be made only through a.better, clearer and firmer political orientation. On the tactical’ level, a number of illusions that the left wingers
entertainéd about the party's s "democracy" were punctured. Many of them even came to understand that excessive efforts to reach a political accommodation with the party bureaucrats is useless and that it weakens the position of the léft by making its political positions less intelligible to the rank and file.
“The bureaucratic center emerged stronger in a formal way, especially through the consolidation of Longo's personal power, which was .accomplished, among other means, by resorting to the old methods of the. "cult of the personality" (awarding a gold medal to Longo at a special ceremony in the congress, devoting a great deal of space to statements by the General Secretary of the party, etc.). However, this is but ‘a stopgap in the present situation -- the days of a monolithic PCI are gone forever.
[End]
OFFICIAL LIES .NO